On this second day of the talks, international affairs were the main topic of conversation. From the Soviet record, which like those of the first and the next discussion, was made by Fedorenko and the third secretary of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs Anatolii I. Filyov, it is evident that the atmosphere was fully relaxed, anti-imperialism brought the communist leaders together. Both hated America, Great Britain, France, West Germany, Japan, and their leaders. They discussed the situation in the Near East in detail and were heartened by the victory of leftist forces in Iraq. They joked a lot. And only at the end did Mao lightly touch upon his claims to Khrushchev, who at once reminded the Chinese leader of the Soviet advisors. It was obvious that this question continued to bother him, and Khrushchev exacerbated his grievance.

This document summarizes a 1964 conversation between Nikita Khrushchev and Indian President S. Radhakrishnan, covering topics such as agricultural innovation, economic development, and the ongoing Sino-Indian conflict. Khrushchev criticizes China's hostility toward India and mocks Mao Zedong's leadership, expressing frustration that China resented the Soviet Union's refusal to support them against India. The discussion reflects Soviet-Indian solidarity and Khrushchev's broader disapproval of Chinese foreign policy and internal governance.

Khrushchev and Indian President Radhakrishnan discuss regional tensions, including cooperation with Nepal, the situation in Kashmir, and the spread of socialism in Southeast Asia. Radhakrishnan expresses concern over Chinese aggression and reaffirms India’s commitment to peaceful solutions. Khrushchev downplays China's influence, criticizing Mao Zedong’s leadership and emphasizing the unreliability of Chinese policy. Both leaders affirm the importance of continued Soviet-Indian cooperation amid regional challenges.

Stalin expresses his outrage that Soviet Ambassador to Iran I. V. Sadchikov extended the deadline for the realization of the Soviet Union's oil concession in Iran and insists that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs immediately draft a note demanding that Qavam implement the oil concession agreement.

Stalin thanks the Shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, for his note and assures him that the Soviet Union desires friendly relations with Iran as long as the Iranian government remains friendly to the Soviet Union. He also stresses his support for the Qavam government.

Stalin informs Soviet Ambassador to Iran Ivan Sadchikov of the contents of his meeting with Iranian Princess Ashraf Pahlavi, including his support for Qavam's government. He also instructs Sadchikov to familiarize himself with Stalin's response to the Shah before presenting it to him.

Izvestiya announces Stalin's meeting with Princess Ashraf Pahlavi and lists Minister of Foreign Affairs Molotov as having been present at the meeting.

Princess Ashraf, the Shah's sister, professes her desire to learn from the Soviet Union and secure Stalin's support for her brother. She and Stalin argue over the degree of agency the Shah retains in light of intrigues in the Iranian government.

In a letter intended to be read, but not handed, to President of the People's Government of Azerbaijan Ja'far Pishevari, Stalin notes the lack of a deep revolutionary crisis in Iran, emphasizing the need to gain concessions from the Qavam government and work with Qavam to combat Anglophile influences in Iran. He argues that the Soviets have not betrayed the Azerbaijani cause, but rather given Pishevari the leverage he needs to demand concessions.

In a telegram exchange between Prime Minister of Iran Qavam Saltaneh and Stalin printed in Izvestiya, the two leaders express gratitude for the favorable conclusion of talks and profess interest in continuing to improve their countries' relationship.