In this interview, Peter Buijs recounts his journey into nuclear disarmament activism, influenced by his father’s views and his own medical background. He explains that his work with NVMP and IPPNW centers on raising awareness of nuclear weapons’ catastrophic risks, emphasizing prevention as the only viable option. Buijs highlights that civil society, particularly medical professionals, can exert considerable influence on policy by presenting the humanitarian and health risks of nuclear warfare. He shares successes within Dutch civil society, where NVMP’s activism has led to increased political discourse on disarmament and even influenced government policy positions.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

Dr. Ariel Levite is a former Israeli senior official. He served as a member of the Israeli delegation to ACRS and the inter-ministerial committee on arms control. 

Bishara Bahbah is a Palestinian professor. He was the associate director of Harvard’s Middle East Institute and served as a member of the Palestinian delegation to the Arms Control and Regional Security (ACRS) talks following the Oslo Accords.

Marshall speaks about Greece, Palestine, and Korea, as well as the international control of atomic energy and the role and structure of the United Nations.

Isa Yusuf Alptekin writes to President Nixon to explain the plight of his people and to request assistance.

Canada's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations in Geneva (1999-2003)

Analysis of the recent Chinese nuclear weapon test and it's strategic implications for China's diplomatic and military policies.

K.R. Narayanan, Director of China Division at Ministry of External Affairs, writes that the explosion of the first nuclear bomb by China will alter the political balance of Asia and the world and development of nuclear weapons by India can be justified and beneficial for the country and the international system as well.

Bulganin proposes a halt on nuclear tests among the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom beginning on January 1, 1958.

Despite new information that the Soviet Union was deploying anti-ballistic missile defenses around Moscow, the United States had not yet decided to deploy its own ABM defenses (although a decision would be made later in the year) and there was some hope that U.S.-Soviet talks would prevent an ABM race. If, however, talks failed, some NATO allies worried about the “adverse consequences” of an ABM race, especially whether having an ABM system might incline Washington toward risk taking.