On September 12, 1962, N.S. Khrushchev met with Saudi Arabian representative Ahmad Shukeiry in Gagra to discuss various global issues. They covered Soviet intervention in Egypt and the Middle East, European imperialism in Africa, the Algerian and Indonesian struggles against colonial powers, and US elections and labor unions. Khrushchev emphasized the USSR’s competition with the capitalist world, while Shukeiry expressed gratitude for Soviet support in Arab and anti-imperialist movements, including Palestine. They also discussed potential Soviet-Saudi diplomatic relations and Khrushchev’s possible visit to the UN General Assembly.

Khrushchev shares his dissatisfaction with how German and French leaders, particularly De Gaulle and Adenauer, have responded to disarmament and peace proposals. He and Nehru discuss the USSR's foreign policy toward Europe, including the fragile state of European alliances, tensions surrounding Berlin, and the possibility of shifts in West Germany's orientation. Khrushchev expresses cautious optimism that the international crisis might be resolved without war, emphasizing the need for negotiations while critiquing Western policies and leadership.

During a December 1974 conversation between Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin and US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, Kissinger expressed frustration over the public release of a Soviet letter amid sensitive trade legislation in Congress. The discussion also covered U.S. and European coordination on the Pan-European Conference and ongoing Middle East negotiations, with Dobrynin warning that US unilateral actions risked undermining broader peace efforts and US-Soviet relations.

Brezhnev and Ceausescu discuss draft versions of a nuclear nonproliferation treaty, arguing about the language used in the deal. They also discuss the creation of an intergovernmental conference of European countries and agree that they should meet more often in the future.

After World War I, several communist movements tried to replicate the Bolsheviks’ take-over of Russia in European countries, most importantly and most often in Germany. All failed. As a result, the Soviet leadership and communists worldwide from around 1920 focused more energies on colonized countries, especially in Asia. As most of these seemed to lack the economic and sociopolitical conditions necessary for a communist revolution, the aim was to weaken if not overthrow European imperial rule, serving the interests of both the USSR and the local petit bourgeoisie, peasants, and few industrial workers. The perhaps greatest price was China. Moreover, India was seen to be (exceptionally) ripe for direct communist action.

Communists and some anti-colonial nationalists were also active in and across the Middle East, North Africa, and Europe, often sharing resources while being networked with the Communist International. Abbreviated as the Comintern (also the Third International), the latter was the key international communist organization: founded in 1919 in Moscow, headquartered there, and employing through its dissolution in 1943 thousands of professional cadres from around the world, principally from Europe and Asia, as Brigitte Studer’s Reisende der Weltrevolution: Eine Globalgeschichte der Kommunistischen Internationale (2020) shows. Also in the Soviet Union, the year 1920 saw the landmark Congress of the Peoples of the East, in Baku. And in 1921, the Communist University for Laborers of the East (Kommunistichyeskii univyersityet trudyaschikhsya Vostoka, KUTV) opened its doors in Moscow. It became the first full-fledged Soviet training center for Soviet Muslims and for foreign communist cadres, principally from Asia and the Middle East and North Africa, and it impacted Soviet views of the East, as Lana Ravandi-Fadai and Masha Kirasirova have shown in “Red Mecca” (2015) and “The ‘East’ as a Category of Bolshevik Ideology and Comintern Administration” (2017), respectively. The text here is the English translation, published in 1954 in the collection J. V. Stalin: Works: Volume 7, of a Russian text published in 1925 in the principal Soviet newspaper, Pravda, rendering a speech that the 1924-1953 Chairman of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Joseph Stalin (1878-1953) held to KUTV’s students in 1925.

This document relates to the following appeal to Pope Paul VI on the issue of nuclear non-proliferation.

The President of the National Council of Poland gives a speech in Moscow.

The document describes the increased exaltation of Kim Il Sung. Regarding international relations, the DPRK diverges with the Soviet Union and other European countries. The document also touches on relations with the Soviet Union, China, and South Korea. Lastly, some issues which should be addressed during the visit of Pak Seong-cheol to the Soviet Union are mentioned.

This report explains the position of the Soviet Union on the realization of the Final Act of the Pan-European Summit by outlining remarks from a speech by L.I. Brezhnev in preparation for the CSCE follow-up conference at Belgrade. Points of consideration include the understanding that this is a long-term program for strengthening peace, security, and cooperation in Europe; Belgrade should not turn into a "bureau for complaints;" Belgrade should not be unjustifiably drawn out; and that the Belgrade meeting cannot alter decisions of the Final Act.

US Attaché in the Soviet Union Jack Matlock was invited to discuss the Final Act of the European Conference in Helsinki. The Soviet Union publicized the text of the Final Act and faulted the United States for not doing the same. Looking at the principles of the Final Act, which the Soviet Union believes to be the bases for interstate relations in Europe, the government determined that radio stations such as "Liberty," "Free Europe," and "Voice of America" are not compatible with the goals and provisions. The Soviet government would like to improve relations with American journalists by first quickening the visa process and hope that the US would do the same for Soviet journalists.