Highlights a joint statement and an economic aid agreement between China and Nepal, along with discussions on the Chinese and Indian premiers' forthcoming meeting. It also addresses the Indonesian government's efforts to resolve the status of overseas Chinese and the challenges encountered by repatriated Chinese nationals. Updates on U.S.-China diplomatic engagements include China's firm stance on judicial sovereignty over espionage-related cases involving American individuals, and adjustments in China's oil industry management policies.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

Details a statement by Premier Zhou Enlai regarding the Indian government's agreement to hold a meeting between the prime ministers of both countries, preparations for spring fishing activities, adjustments to rural commerce management, and further plans to develop agriculture and aquaculture.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

Khrushchev and Indian Ambassador T. N. Kaul met again to discuss the ongoing Sino-Indian conflict. Kaul reiterated India’s request for Soviet military support, emphasizing the threat posed by China despite the recent Chinese ceasefire proposal. Khrushchev reaffirmed the Soviet Union’s commitment to a peaceful resolution and warned against escalating militarization but confirmed that the USSR would proceed with the planned construction of an aircraft plant in India and the delivery of MiG-21 aircraft. The conversation also addressed Soviet-Chinese relations, with Khrushchev denying any military aid to China and expressing regret over the conflict between two countries friendly to the USSR. Both sides agreed on the importance of negotiations while acknowledging ongoing challenges to achieving a lasting settlement.

Indian Ambassador T. N. Kaul met with Khrushchev to discuss the conflict between India and China, which India views as Chinese aggression. Kaul conveyed India’s desire to end the conflict while expressing concern over China's military advantage. He requested Soviet weapons support to strengthen India’s defense and demonstrate balanced international backing. Khrushchev declined, stating that the USSR seeks only a peaceful resolution and does not wish to escalate the conflict by supplying arms. He emphasized that negotiations are the only solution and reaffirmed the Soviet Union's neutral stance. Kaul also requested continued Soviet support for non-military assistance, such as transport aircraft and pilot training, which Khrushchev agreed to consider.

Pham Van Dong thanks Khrushchev for the Soviet help to Vietnamese people. Khrushchev talks about politics around the world, particularly, in the socialist countries such as Albania and China. He claims that the relationship with China is improving. Khrushchev also mentions that he discussed Indian politics with Mao. He criticizes the politics of Stalin toward China. 

Nehru briefs the Provincial Premiers about internal and external developments. Nehru highlights the situation in China and states that the communists could soon take power in the whole of China. He speculates how this will affect other regions.

In June 1938 Jawaharlal Nehru (1889-1964), a Indian National Congress (INC) leader, one of the earliest INC members calling for full independence in 1927, and the main responsible for INC’s foreign relations, took a ship to Europe. This trip was not a first for India’s inaugural prime minister (1947-1964) to be. Already in 1905 he had left India to enroll at the elite British boarding school of Harrow, going on to study at Cambridge and work as a lawyer in London before returning home in 1912. And the last time he had sailed was in 1935, staying until 1936 as the INC representative in meetings with fellow Asian and increasingly also African anti-imperialists in Britain and Europe. Sure, by then the League against Imperialism (LAI), whose Comintern-organized foundational conference Nehru had attended in 1927, was defunct. (For the LAI see the 1927 document on Messali Hadj in this collection.) Even so, Nehru continued to see his secularist Indian nation-statist goals within an international leftist-anti-imperialist and now anti-fascist framework and web, as Michele Louro’s Comrades against Imperialism: Nehru, India, and Interwar Internationalism (2020) argues.

Hence, when on the ship en route to Europe in 1938 he received an invitation from Egypt’s leading nationalist wafd party and agreed to meet their leaders. Having been in contact with Egyptian nationalists before, a story told in Noor Khan’s Egyptian-Indian Nationalist Collaboration and the British Empire (2011), and having detailed their anti-imperialism in Glimpses of World History (1934), he saw the wafd as INC’s appropriately leading anti-imperialist counterpart in Egypt. Sure, in confidential INC memoranda, he criticized the wafd’s insufficient attention to the masses, especially the peasants, which cost them an election in early 1938, he thought; indeed, the wafdists were liberal nationalists whereas Nehru was a leftist nationalist. Nonetheless, sitting down with the wafd and exchanging views about world politics and anti-imperialist strategies was called for, in his and the wafd’s view, at a time when fascism was rising and Britain continued to rule India and be very present in Egypt. Reproduced in the massive compilation Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, this text is a letter by Nehru sent from London to Nahas Pasha (1879-1965), a leading wafd politician.

In June 1938 Jawaharlal Nehru (1889-1964), a Indian National Congress (INC) leader, one of the earliest INC members calling for full independence in 1927, and the main responsible for INC’s foreign relations, took a ship to Europe. This trip was not a first for India’s inaugural prime minister (1947-1964) to be. Already in 1905 he had left India to enroll at the elite British boarding school of Harrow, going on to study at Cambridge and work as a lawyer in London before returning home in 1912. And the last time he had sailed was in 1935, staying until 1936 as the INC representative in meetings with fellow Asian and increasingly also African anti-imperialists in Britain and Europe. Sure, by then the League against Imperialism (LAI), whose Comintern-organized foundational conference Nehru had attended in 1927, was defunct. (For the LAI see the 1927 document on Messali Hadj in this collection.) Even so, Nehru continued to see his secularist Indian nation-statist goals within an international leftist-anti-imperialist and now anti-fascist framework and web, as Michele Louro’s Comrades against Imperialism: Nehru, India, and Interwar Internationalism (2020) argues.

Hence, when on the ship en route to Europe in 1938 he received an invitation from Egypt’s leading nationalist wafd party and agreed to meet their leaders. Having been in contact with Egyptian nationalists before, a story told in Noor Khan’s Egyptian-Indian Nationalist Collaboration and the British Empire (2011), and having detailed their anti-imperialism in Glimpses of World History (1934), he saw the wafd as INC’s appropriately leading anti-imperialist counterpart in Egypt. Sure, in confidential INC memoranda, he criticized the wafd’s insufficient attention to the masses, especially the peasants, which cost them an election in early 1938, he thought; indeed, the wafdists were liberal nationalists whereas Nehru was a leftist nationalist. Nonetheless, sitting down with the wafd and exchanging views about world politics and anti-imperialist strategies was called for, in his and the wafd’s view, at a time when fascism was rising and Britain continued to rule India and be very present in Egypt. Reproduced in the massive compilation Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, this text is a letter by Nehru, the first to the INC while he was on the ship en route to London.

Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, and Abdyl Kellezi discuss revisionism, relations with the Soviet Union, and the Communist Party of the USA.

Khrushchev and Indian President Radhakrishnan discuss regional tensions, including cooperation with Nepal, the situation in Kashmir, and the spread of socialism in Southeast Asia. Radhakrishnan expresses concern over Chinese aggression and reaffirms India’s commitment to peaceful solutions. Khrushchev downplays China's influence, criticizing Mao Zedong’s leadership and emphasizing the unreliability of Chinese policy. Both leaders affirm the importance of continued Soviet-Indian cooperation amid regional challenges.