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Aerial view of National Mall

North America

United States

Soviet soldier taking a photograph of another soldier in Red Square, Moscow, 1959

Eastern Europe

Soviet Union

Portrait of Mao Zedong on Tiananmen Gate in Beijing, China, 1972.

East Asia

China

Photograph of the Port of Jaffa in Israel.

Middle East

Israel

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Middle East

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Northern Africa

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James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies (CNS)

1989 -

Group photo from the Arms Control and Regional Security Working Group Operational Basket Meeting, Antalya, Turkey, April 4-6, 1995.

ACRS Oral History Project

Handshake between Mao Zedong and Richard Nixon

Sino-American Cooperation, 1972-1989

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Fahmy, Nabil‏

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Pomper, Miles

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Notte, Hanna

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Ivry, David

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Levite, Ariel ("Eli")

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Sino-Soviet Relations

International Dimensions of Decolonization in the Middle East and North Africa

International Dimensions of Decolonization in the Middle East and North Africa

Sino-Soviet Split, 1960-1984

North Korean Public Diplomacy

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June 27, 1972	Record of Conversation between L. I. Brezhnev and Fidel Castro Brezhnev warmly welcomes Castro to the Soviet Union. Castro speaks of positive developments within Soviet-Cuban relations and explains the historical trajectory of Cuba in terms of the global fight for communism. The leaders discuss Cuban economic prospects and the revolutionary situation of countries throughout Latin America.
December 3, 1989	Dialogues between Saddam Hussein, Iraqi ambassadors and journalists in foreign countries This file contains dialogues between Saddam Hussein and Iraqi ambassadors in foreign countries. This period contains an Iraqi ambassador comment on the Zionist influence in the United States. He stated that the American brains were conducting the Zionism in the United States. He added that the Jewish immigration whether to Israel or to the United states would create a threat on the Arab Countries. Saddam commented that the Soviet Jewish immigration to these states would decrease because the regime has changed in the Soviet Union. He said that Israel wished the Berlin wall would move to the States of the Middle East. Their target was to eliminate the wall separating them from the Arab States. He added that the democratic changes were continuously occurring. He gave an example about a protest in Czechoslovakia. It leads to the resignation of 11 Ministers of the Czechoslovakian government. Saddam answered that when a protest occurred in the Yarmuk City, Iraq, the Revolutionary Command Council considered carefully how to deal with the protest. . Israel was afraid from the Iraqi evolution to a technologically developed country. Saddam stated that every new power appearing in the world might threaten the two existent enormous poles. That was the reason Iraq fought. This period contains the Saddam declaration on the ambassadors' freedom to express their opinions. He also noticed that they were well prepared for the discussion. He added that the good preparation for the conferences was the key of their success.
February 20, 1974	Service for Foreign Political Affairs, 'A Reminder about Cuba and Yugoslav-Cuban Relations (On the Occasion of the Reception of the Second Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba and the Minister of National Defense, Raul Castro)' A summary of political, economic, and diplomatic developments involving Cuba produced by the Foreign Ministry in Yugoslavia. Summarizes Cuba's relations with Yugoslavia, the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and other countries in Latin America.
February 15, 1950	Monthly Report of the Indian Mission, Lhasa, for Period Ending 15th February 1950 An update on Tibet's relations with India, China, Nepal, the UK, and the US in early 1950. There are also comments on political and economic developments within Tibet.
September 23, 1961	Letter, William Rayman to Richard Reuter, Executive Director of the Cooperative for American Remittances Everywhere (CARE) William Rayman’s letter to Richard Reuter not only reflects the swiftness with which CARE established its presence in Sierra Leone but also showcases its ability to tailor programs to align with the desires of several stakeholders.
July 14, 1959	Notice from First Secretary Eoin MacWhite To All Irish Diplomatic Missions (Except Washington) First Secretary Eoin MacWhite informed all missions of Aiken’s concerns that U.S. nuclear information agreements with selected NATO partners could impede efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. He was nonetheless reticent when it came to lodging a formal protest, having been advised by Eoin MacWhite that a strong denunciation would be counterproductive. From MacWhite’s reading no actual nuclear information would be transferred to Allied personnel after all. The agreements related specifically to information necessary for the training of Allied personnel in the employment of U.S. atomic weapons in their hosts’ territories, so Aiken recoiled from further diplomatic protests. He appreciated the need to maintain some nuance on nuclear sharing as he pursued an East-West consensus. The strength of NATO's feelings in favor of enhanced alliance nuclear defense and cooperation in the aftermath of the Sputnik shock was well known. The Irish were aware of the Eastern bloc’s objections to NATO nuclear sharing as a dangerous precedent that strengthened NATO’s political and security position. Moscow was especially exercised by any prospect of West German access to nuclear weapons as part of the normalization of German rearmament and progress toward reunification. Moscow opposed any semblance of Bonn’s finger on the nuclear trigger, or its troops gaining proficiency with nuclear weaponry.
November 20, 1958	Letter from Frederick H. Boland to Con Cremin (Dublin) (Private and Confidential), New York The report of Ireland’s permanent representative to the United Nations to his superior, the secretary of the Department of External Affairs, delivers his account of Aiken’s first (failed) attempt to generate support for a resolution in the Thirteenth UN Session. Recognizing the breadth and depth of opposition, he withdrew his draft resolution and instead requested a simple roll call vote in favor of the second paragraph on 31 October – a modest statement acknowledging that an expansion in the number of nuclear weapons states would be harmful to peace and increase obstacles to disarmament. The measure passed with 37 votes and no opposition, although 44 abstentions were recorded. The Soviet bloc supported the maneuver, while Western-aligned countries abstained.
October 2, 1957	Memorandum by Frank Aiken [on an Interview with Scott McCleod and the Taoiseach] Aiken made an immediate impression on his arrival in the Twelfth Session of the UN General Assembly in September 1957. He adopted an impartial posture of assessing each issue on its merits and campaigning to remodel international politics around self-determination, humanitarianism, and peace. His exhortation was that only the UN had the moral authority and political legitimacy to put forward global solutions. While he did not propose nuclear disarmament measures specifically, his intent was signaled by his recommendation for a mutual drawback of foreign forces (including their nuclear weapons) in central Europe and his endorsement of a proposal to discuss the representation of China in the United Nations. The Eisenhower administration was hostile to Aiken’s course as outlined in the U.S. ambassador’s audience with Taoiseach Eamon de Valera and Aiken in Dublin on 2 October. The record underlines the Irish concerns about accidental nuclear war due to the proximity of opposing U.S. and Soviet forces in central Europe.
September 21, 1982	Soviet-Indian Talks (Conclusion) Brezhnev and Gandhi discuss India's relationship to Pakistan and Afghanistan, highlighting the Soviet Union's involvement with the two countries. Gandhi also speaks about India's domestic situation and asks Brezhnev to cooperate in increasing India's defense capabilities. Brezhnev tells Gandhi confidential information about recent developments in Soviet-China relations.
2003	Tran Quang Co: A Memoir The memoir of Trần Quang Cơ (1927-2015), former member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) and First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV), brings to light the intense diplomacy among great powers and regional players over the continued conflicts in Indochina after the unification of Vietnam as well as the bitter disagreements within the Vietnamese leadership over the country’s political priorities during the period of 1975-1993. Cơ put together his memories and thoughts on “many sensitive developments” in Vietnamese foreign relations that he believed had been “intentionally or unintentionally” forgotten (rơi rụng) in the state-endorsed history “to ‘smooth over’ (tròn trĩnh) the historical record.” Completed in Vietnamese in 2001 (updated in 2003) and informally circulated on the internet, Merle Pribbenow’s English-translation makes this valuable historical source available to wider audiences.