On September 12, 1962, N.S. Khrushchev met with Saudi Arabian representative Ahmad Shukeiry in Gagra to discuss various global issues. They covered Soviet intervention in Egypt and the Middle East, European imperialism in Africa, the Algerian and Indonesian struggles against colonial powers, and US elections and labor unions. Khrushchev emphasized the USSR’s competition with the capitalist world, while Shukeiry expressed gratitude for Soviet support in Arab and anti-imperialist movements, including Palestine. They also discussed potential Soviet-Saudi diplomatic relations and Khrushchev’s possible visit to the UN General Assembly.

On July 26, 1962, N.S. Khrushchev met with Moroccan Ambassador Abdel’kebir El-Fassi to discuss Soviet-Moroccan relations. El-Fassi expressed gratitude for Soviet support during the Suez Crisis and in decolonization efforts and emphasized Morocco’s desire to strengthen political, economic, and military ties with the USSR. The conversation also covered regional issues, including Algeria’s internal situation, Morocco’s concerns over Mauritania’s independence, and efforts to free Moroccan territory from Spanish control.

On May 6, 1960, Nikita Khrushchev met with Kojo Botsio, leader of Ghana's Legislative Assembly delegation, and J.B. Elliot, Ghana's ambassador to the USSR, to discuss Ghana’s political and economic challenges and their vision for African independence. Botsio conveyed messages from Ghanaian Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah, emphasizing the need to combat new forms of colonialism, secure economic independence, and develop infrastructure, particularly the Volta River hydroelectric project. Ghana expressed interest in technical and financial aid from the Soviet Union to support its socialist development agenda. Khrushchev assured Ghana of Soviet goodwill and potential collaboration while highlighting the challenges of colonial resistance. Both sides agreed on the importance of African liberation and socialist solidarity, with Khrushchev expressing support for future cooperation through on-site assessments by Soviet specialists.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

On May 6, 1960, Nikita Khrushchev hosted a delegation from Ghana’s Legislative Assembly led by Kojo Botsio. The meeting celebrated Ghana’s recent independence and reinforced the mutual commitment to global peace and anti-colonialism. Botsio expressed gratitude for the Soviet invitation and shared greetings and a commemorative gift from Ghana’s Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah. Khrushchev praised Ghana’s fight for independence and pledged Soviet support for African nations striving for freedom. Discussions included economic cooperation, with Khrushchev proposing trade exchanges such as Ghanaian coffee and cocoa for Soviet goods. Botsio conveyed Nkrumah’s invitation for Khrushchev to visit Ghana, to which Khrushchev responded positively, pending further arrangements. The meeting highlighted the USSR’s ideological opposition to colonialism and support for newly independent states, emphasizing mutual respect and future collaboration.

This document summary was generated by an artificial intelligence language model and was reviewed by a Wilson Center staff member.

Fu’ad Mursi (1925-1990), the author of the text printed here (an English excerpt translated from an Arabic-language monograph), was an Egyptian economist trained in Alexandria and the Sorbonne. While in Paris, he joined the French Communist Party. Back in Egypt, he in 1949 co-founded al-Hizb al-shuiu‘i al-misri, or the Egyptian Communist Party (ECP).

Born 27 years after a communist party had first been opened in the country, the ECP, also known as Rayat al-sha‘ab (The People’s Banner) after the title of its organ, was the smallest, most clandestine, and most intellectual communist group then operating in Egypt. It favored a two-state-solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, was opposed to Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1918-1970), and in 1958 initiated the merger of Egypt’s communist parties (under the condition that Jews would be excluded), a story told e.g. in Joel Beinin’s Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965 (1990). Nasser’s regime, which from the start had a difficult relationship with domestic communists, turned to open repression in 1959, locking up many party members in brutal desert prisons until 1964. The next year the party dissolved itself under pressure from the regime, which, however, also co-opted some individuals. Mursi was one of them.

Moreover, after Nasser’s death, Mursi early on continued a government career under the new president Anwar Sadat (1918-1981). In 1971, he became director of the state Industrial Bank and member of the Central Bank board, and in 1972 Minister of Supply and Domestic Commerce. The following year he resigned, however. Still a Marxist, he disagreed with Sadat’s policy of economic opening, infitah. While prepared from 1971, this policy became official in 1974—a story whose classic treatment is John Waterbury’s The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy of Two Regimes (1983) and whose social dimension is told by Relli Shechter’s The Rise of the Egyptian Middle Class: Socio-Economic Mobility and Public Discontent from Nasser to Sadat (2019).

The text printed here reflects a key component in Mursi’s analysis of the infitah. He diagnoses a cooperation between private Egyptian capitalists—who were now on the rise again after the decline of Nasserite state capitalism (aka socialism)—and foreign capitalist colonialism that, while not any more occupying Egypt, again wishes to exploit the country

Premier Zhou and Prime Minister of Pakistan, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, debrief about the Bandung Conference. They discuss their views regarding international tensions in Asia and the rest of world. Suhrawardy praises Zhou on his attitude during the conference which gave Pakistan more clarity about China's position on international issues. Suhrawardy also says that he felt Zhou's sincerity and enthusiasm in getting along with other countries. Zhou says that he understands why other countries fear China and explains that China's goal at the moment is industrialization, not colonial expansion. Zhou tells Suhrawardy that the current generation of Chinese political leaders will make sure that future generations will not commit war and aggression. Suhrawardy disagrees with Zhou that current generation can control future political leaders decisions. Zhou calls for countries that are skeptical of China to engage with China to see for themselves China's intentions.

In this issue, Zhou Enlai congratulates Gamal Abdel Nasser on the final withdrawal of foreign troops from Egypt. Several sections cover factory safety and various administrative concerns, such as dividing Inner Mongolia into different banners.

Mao and visitors from Algeria discuss the Algerian and Chinese revolutions. Mao congratulates the Algerians for their victory against the French and expresses sympathy for the difficulties facing their new nation. He calls for unity between all anti-imperialists, anti-feudalists, and socialists.

Mao and visitors from Guinea discuss various economic and diplomatic issues that have emerged since their country became independent from France in October 1958.

Mao describes the history of Western imperialism in China and discusses ways that people around the world are opposing imperialism. He pledges to support the anti-imperialist struggle in Africa and calls for unity. (Note: in this 1968 edition, the names of a Cuban national hero and his younger brother [presumably Fidel and Raul Castro] are redacted.)